The German media outlet TAZ - a centre-left publishing house - has published the linked article in German. Here is a English summary, but you're gonna find useful translation for full text.
More than a thousand protesters fought a street battle with special police forces in the southwestern Chinese city of Jiangyou [in Sichuan province]. The angry crowd threw bottles and rubbish on the security forces and shouted again and again: “Give us back our democracy!”
The police beat up on the crowd, dragged individuals over the asphalt and finally drove them on barred cargo areas of trucks like cattle.
What caused the popular anger? The so-called Jiangyou incident started with an apparently apolitical crime case. A 14-year-old girl from simple backgrounds – the mother deaf, the father physically disabled – was lured into an abandoned building by three classmates.
Authorities responded only after massive public pressure
The abuse took place on 22. July, but the alarmed authorities were apparently slow and unmotivated. Only after massive public pressure did they issue a statement that the perpetrators got away with mild punishments – two are supposed to be transferred to a school with special educational measures, one came away with an instruction.
The father of the victim, an illiterate, is also said to have been urged by the police to sign a settlement that he did not understand.
The public suspected a two-class justice system. Because the parents of the perpetrators, it was said in rumors on social media, have good connections to the authorities.
With hundreds of sympathizers, the family of the victim moved to the city administration, where some people stormed the building. The police mobilized special forces units and at least one military vehicle with jammers to block Internet and mobile phones.
Circumventing censorship with the help of US platforms
In China’s Internet, the Jiangyou incident is a politically sensitive issue. The state-controlled media are only allowed to report on the basis of strict guidelines. And on social media, the algorithm of the censorship authorities selects which comments become public.
But activists abroad, who have been observing China’s protest movements for years, were able to archive images of the incident in the few minutes before censorship took effect. Then videos and texts were uploaded to X, Youtube or Instagram. China’s censorship has no access to these US platforms.
There, Chinese can debate the topic with a VPN software. “My heart hurts,” comments an Internet user. Another says: “A government without credibility; a breeding ground for corruption and bribery; a country tainted to its foundations.”
“The case is not unique, but it really excited me because I was once a victim of bullying in school,” recalls a Chinese man who lives abroad today: In front of classmates, gawking passers-by and even the guard of the school, he was once beaten hospital-ready. The advertisement tried to prevent the school management in order not to damage their reputation.
Small local protests are commonplace in China
In fact, there are thousands of social protests in China every year. They usually take place far from the public. They are local protests with few participants against forced relocations, medical malpractice and corrupt cadres.
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The number of demonstrators is also crucial: the more protested, the more likely the police intervene.
This was also the case at the end of 2022, when, for the first time in years, protesters in the major metropolises directly challenged the central government. “Down with Xi Jinping!” shouted crowds in Shanghai at protesters against the zero covid policy. Identification thanks to effective digital monitoring
But the power of the digital surveillance state was also evident: All demonstrators, even if they took to the streets without a smartphone and wore face masks, could be identified. Some got away with an interrogation and a warning, others disappeared for months.
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